Stellantis–Roshel: What Did Ottawa Know Before the Brampton Plant Sale?

In my first article, Billions in Public Funding, a Massive Factory Sale and Canada’s Defence Boom: Who Really Benefits?, I looked at the public money tied to Stellantis’s Brampton plant and what a sale to Roshel could mean. This follow-up examines the additional reporting, public statements and chronology surrounding Ottawa’s knowledge of the proposed sale.

What Was Said in Public

On Monday, November 9, Stellantis and Roshel announced an Asset Purchase Agreement for the Brampton Assembly Plant and associated equipment. The price was not disclosed. On Tuesday, Prime Minister Mark Carney called the sale “unacceptable,” said it violates Stellantis’s obligations under several agreements, and called it a betrayal of the workers. Industry Minister Mélanie Joly expressed disappointment in Stellantis.

So what, specifically, was Ottawa condemning: the sale itself, its terms, or the breach of Stellantis’s commitments? Prior knowledge and opposition can coexist, but the public is owed an explanation of which it was.

What the Reports Say

CTV News (November 10). Marieke Walsh and Vassy Kapelos reported, citing three unnamed sources with direct knowledge of the talks, that the federal government was deeply involved in the discussions, engaged directly with both companies, knew the proposed terms and did not stand in the way. Two of the sources said there were more than a dozen meetings with the companies over several months. One said Ottawa initially opposed the sale. A senior government official, also unnamed, told CTV that Stellantis presented several proposals and Ottawa endorsed none of them.

CBC News. A source with direct knowledge told CBC the federal government had been engaged regularly on the deal since August, and that both the Prime Minister’s Office and Joly’s office had been briefed on the details of what was going to be announced.

All of this comes from unnamed sources, and I cannot independently confirm it. What it raises is how months of reported engagement fits with Tuesday’s public reaction.

What the Government Says

Joly’s spokesperson, Mathis Denis, said the government “never advocated for a deal” between Roshel and Stellantis, that it heard many proposals, and that it remains unsatisfied with the plans it has seen. He also told CBC that Joly had no part in negotiating the deal, did not meet with Roshel on this issue, and would not approve a deal that broke Stellantis’s commitments under the 2022 agreement. A separate senior government source told CBC she would not have approved a deal without union support and that the minister was unable to block it before it happened.

These statements address the minister personally and whether Ottawa advocated for or approved the deal. They do not directly address whether officials knew about the talks or were briefed.

What Roshel’s CEO Said

In a televised interview this week, Roshel founder and CEO Roman Shimonov was asked directly whether the government knew in advance that Roshel would buy the plant. He answered, “We shared our plan with the government.” Asked when, he said “Several months” ago. He added that Roshel shared its plans “all along,” not once, and that the feedback was very positive and aligned with the government’s objectives. He also said he could not speak for the government, did not know what it was discussing with Stellantis, and was not part of those talks.

He did not name who in government received the plans, did not mention the Prime Minister or any specific meeting, and did not say the government approved the purchase. What did that positive feedback cover: the manufacturing plan, the property purchase, or both? Joly’s office says Ottawa “never advocated” for a deal, so the two accounts have to be reconciled. Shimonov also said Stellantis has committed to lease back 25% of the plant for components and modules. I have not found confirmation of that from Stellantis, and CBC reports only that it could lease some of the property back.

What Was Already on the Public Record

Several things were public well before Monday. On September 11, Stellantis announced a memorandum of understanding with Roshel for a potential sale. On September 16, Unifor president Lana Payne wrote to Joly asking what role Ottawa may have played in discussions about a sale and whether the memorandum could breach conditions tied to Stellantis’s commitments to the government. The question of Ottawa’s involvement was on the table two months before the sale was announced.

The federal Registry of Lobbyists adds context, and Roshel’s communication reports can be searched there. Consultants registered to lobby for Roshel include Naresh Raghubeer and Hugues Théorêt of Sandstone Group, whose registrations began in April 2025. The registry shows Roshel communications with National Defence officials, including one dated May 2, 2025, and a communication report dated August 25, 2026. Registered lobbying is legal and routine, and the registry shows that a communication took place, not what was said. Nothing in the records I have confirmed ties them to the Brampton plant.

The Public Money Is Still Unresolved

In 2022 the federal government committed up to $529 million to retool the Brampton and Windsor plants. CTV reports that records show about $222 million paid as of March 2025, with no breakdown by plant. Stellantis has said it offered to “voluntarily return” support tied to the original Brampton plan; three sources told CTV that amount is $24 million, and Ottawa did not respond to a request for comment on it. I treat that figure as reported, not confirmed.

The sale announcement does not, by itself, say how Stellantis’s obligations will be satisfied, recovered or enforced. Roshel’s stated goal is more than 2,000 jobs, but a stated goal is not a guarantee of replacement jobs, wages or job security. For Roshel’s Algoma Steel joint venture and the wider defence context, see my first article.

Questions That Still Need Answers

1. When was the Prime Minister’s Office first briefed, and on what?
2. When did Roshel first share its plans with government, with whom, and what was the response?
3. What was Joly’s office told before the announcement, and how does that fit with the minister’s stated role in the labour dispute?
4. Did Ottawa express support, opposition or conditions in private, and did that position change before November 9?
5. Was Unifor kept informed, given its September questions?
6. Which of Stellantis’s funding obligations remain enforceable, and will any public money be recovered?
7. Will federal defence procurement support the Brampton operation, and under what process?
8. What employment commitments exist, including numbers rehired, wages and conditions?
9. What are the purchase price and financing?

These should be answered with documents and on-the-record statements, not assumptions about motives.

My Perspective: The Timeline Matters

I have spent nearly 40 years in design, construction, renovation and real estate, and I know how many parties touch a large property transaction: due diligence, financing, regulators and, when public money is involved, governments. It is reasonable for Ottawa to be in the room. What the public is owed is a clear account of how involved it was, what it knew and when, and what it did about commitments made with taxpayer dollars.

There may be perfectly good explanations for the gap between the reported private discussions and the public reaction. If so, they should be documented and shared. This plant represents thousands of workers, a significant public investment and Canadian industrial capacity. Those decisions deserve transparency, and I will update this article as verified information comes in.